Twenty years ago, Sunday, February 3, 1991, about ninety delegates left the hall of the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party, which was held in Rimini , not to participate in the dissolution of the PCI and PDS at birth. Immediately call a press conference in cui Sergio Garavini, Armando Cossutta, Lucio Libertini, Ersilia Salvato e Rino Serri annunciarono la decisione di dar vita ad una formazione comunista. I cinque, insieme a Guido Cappelloni e Bianca Bracci Torsi, si recarono quindi dal notaio per registrare il simbolo del Pci, segnalando anche sul piano legale la volontà di proseguire l’impegno politico in quanto comunisti e comuniste. Una settimana dopo, al teatro Brancaccio di Roma, migliaia di compagni e compagne parteciparono alla prima assemblea di massa di quello che divenne il Movimento per la Rifondazione Comunista. Al Brancaccio venne esposta una enorme bandiera rossa, realizzata cucendo insieme centinaia e centinaia di bandiere e costruendo così, da basso, la più grande red flag ever.
I think today those men and women who gave birth to Rifondazione must go our thanks. First, for the courage to go against in a time when, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, capitalism seemed to have won the final game. These were the years when Fukujama proclaimed the "end of history" and that capitalism was presented, even before invincible, as a natural fact. If the anti-capitalism has not been stifled in Italy was also due to that choice.
I believe that our thanks go also expressed to the name chosen: Rifondazione. Many were the names of potential high were pressures to characterize a newly formed Communist simply as a continuation of previous experience. The choice of name but there was a deliberate policy that we believe still valid today. Communist, because we are Communists and Communists who are fighting for a society of free and equal can be achieved only by overcoming capitalism. PRC, because they are aware that the communist movement in its history has made many mistakes and in particular the experiences of real socialism have failed, resulting in schemes which radically contradicted the communist ideals.
not therefore simply the reconstruction of a communist party, but Communist Refoundation in the knowledge that the two terms qualify each other, and that only a theoretical and practical re-establishment of communism would ask the goal of overcoming "serious" capitalism. In this sense Communist Refoundation did not create just one party but they have shown a general guide, clear on the need for re-establishment of communism.
addition to the early founders and many many more were added in the coming months, PRC became a crucible in which different segments of the left and political experiences of class and communist merged. The construction of the first movement and the Party then, was a great experience of dialogue and the recognition that primarily concerns tens of thousands of militants provenendo da storie diverse impararono a dialogare, a confrontarsi, a cercare collettivamente nuove strade.
Questo elemento della partecipazione dal basso è un elemento caratterizzante non solo la nascita, ma tutta l’esperienza di Rifondazione. Nel bene e nel male rifondazione non è stato solo un fenomeno politico ma è stata una esperienza di popolo, uno spazio pubblico, si direbbe oggi. Lo voglio ricordare perché la storia di Rifondazione rappresenta l’esemplificazione di uno degli slogan che il movimento si dette sin dall’inizio: liberamente comunisti. Credo che in nessun partito italiano gli iscritti, la cosiddetta base, abbia contato quanto ha contato in Rifondazione. In tutti i momenti di scelta e di scontro - And have not been few - has always prevailed at the end of the orientation of the companions and fellow members also took on the position of chief executive officers. If we find a confirmation that the term re-establishment has been taken seriously, we can find it in this, not to identify the party with its management teams and put in the middle of the life of the party's participation.
Today, twenty years later, seeing as they finished the PDS and then the DS and then the Democratic Party, you can fully appreciate the rightness of the choice of the founding of the PRC. Whose raison d'être does not lie only in the failure of political experience born from the dissolution of the Communist Party or in our subjectively communication and community. The underlying reason for our existence is found outside of us, namely the capitalist crisis that is there to remind us how this is not the best of all worlds. The ultimate foundation of our existence is right there, the structural inability of capitalism to respond to the needs of humanity and decency to the conjugation with the limited resources of the planet we live on. The dramatic choice between socialism and barbarism that persists today, tells us how the need for the overcoming of capitalism is more urgent than ever. This is why we, men and women free community, we want to continue along the path taken.
Paolo Ferrero - National Secretary of the Communist Refoundation
On February 3, 1991 in Rimini was founded on the Refoundation Communist Movement. The event takes place in a room at the Fiera di Rimini. He just finished the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party. The majority of the delegates and the delegates decided to create a new party: the PDS. Part of what the nineteenth and twentieth Congress is called "front of the no" decides not to join the PDS and to initiate a percorso “per evitare che in Italia venga cancellata una presenza organizzata dei comunisti”. Garavini, Cossutta, Cappelloni, Libertini, Salvato, Serri, Vendola, Volponi, Bracci Torsi, Crippa, assieme a una sessantina di delegati e invitati, tengono una conferenza stampa per illustrare le ragioni di quella scelta e per annunciare il primo appuntamento pubblico nazionale di chiamata a raccolta degli aderenti al Movimento: il 10 febbraio al Teatro Brancaccio di Roma.
Il Movimento della Rifondazione Comunista parte con una evidente difficoltà ma, contemporaneamente, con una grande possibilità. La difficoltà nasce dalla spaccatura del “fronte del no”. Come è noto, una parte rilevante dei contrari the dissolution of the PCI, particularly after the speech at Ingrao Arco di Trento ("we must remain in the vortex"), decides to stay, albeit with a critical position in the PDS. This is a historic mistake that undermines the one hand and makes the company less attractive Communist Refoundation, it does not produce any positive result. It is the same Ingrao to recognize when, after a few years, decided not to join the PDS more. But the movement also has a great potential: the base and nell'elettorato communist militant is widespread, far more than they think the various Occhetto, D'Alema and Veltroni, the refusal to approve and to remove a story that, despite all its limitations, the legitimate pride of those who took part.
We realize that now. Can I take a little personal testimony. As a partner of Reggio Emilia, Feb. 10 are Brancaccio. On that occasion, the first cards are dealt. They give me so much. They seem like a lot because in Reggio Emilia Romagna in all we are few. Except Renato Albertini of Parma, almost all officials, union leaders, administrators, managers of cooperatives, the elect, chose the PDS.
However, just returned from Rome in a few days I finish all the cards and I've got to send another thousand. We can certainly say
which is a period of great enthusiasm. Without homes, without money, the Movement began to take root throughout the country. A few months later came the companions of Pdup (Magri, Castellina, Pettinari, Crucianelli) and the majority of fellow Dp (Vinci and Russo Spena).
should be noted that this is possible because many years before the Bolognina, more or less since the late '70s, the PCI is a structure organized internal dissent, with its own downtown Milan and a magazine, "Interstampa '. This group (whose leaders are more influential Vaia, Sacks and Bera) in the early 80s joins Cossutta and hats, which begin to distinguish with some amendments (against the "pull" and the overcoming of capitalism) in the Congress of the Communist Party. Without this work of long breath, political, organizational and training cadres of the Communist PRC would never be born.
The Movement for the Communist Refoundation off quickly. In every city in which it is presented, the rooms are filled. They are not only old friends who do not want to be erased by a symbol and a story. They are flanked by young people who want a combative left. On May 5, 1991 will be held in Rome the first major national event. The Palaeur is full of people and red flags. It stands out among all the companions of Orvieto, a huge banner sewn with all the flags Sections of the Communist Party in their area. The enthusiasm is sky high, as also confirmed by the election, the first administration, in Brescia, that he sees more than 5 percent. Students enrolled in the first year are nearly 120,000.
However with the success from the beginning, emerging divisions, determined by the different backgrounds and political cultures. Not occur late in the first serious cracks.
The first takes place in 1993 with the resignation of Sergio Garavini. Rifondazione is no secretary for almost a year. The basis of that clash is certainly not the behavior of the unitary and collegiate secretary. But it weighs especially the lack of construction of a new project and thinking. In a word, struggling to take off his re-founding the Communist which was intended to establish a new communist thinking, able to pass on the old membership.
are the first signs of difficulty and after a few years become very serious. But the party continues to grow and prosper. Bertinotti, recently joined the party with a group of comrades from the CGIL, the beginning of 1994 he became national secretary. And 'there is also a choice of Cossutta agreement Magri, who will support him right now. But it is an axis, the one between Magri and Cossutta, which lasts a few months. Already a new split is emerging that can be eaten on the matter Dini. The group of Magri, ben rappresentato sia alla Camera sia al Senato, decide di votare sulla fiducia al governo in modo difforme da quanto deciso dalla Direzione del partito. È l’inizio della prima scissione, quella dei Comunisti unitari. Una scissione che, erroneamente, si è spesso sottovalutata. E’ vero che non riguardò, se non marginalmente, strutture di partito territoriali, ma è altrettanto vero che privò il partito di un gruppo di dirigenti conosciuti e di indubbie capacità (Magri, Castellina, Crucianelli, Pettinari e molti altri).
È questa tuttavia la fase in cui, grazie alla tenuta dell’accordo tra Cossutta e Bertinotti e alla crescente popolarità di quest’ultimo, il partito vive il suo period of greatest expansion, both organizational and electoral. Between 1995 and 1998, Communist PRC collects the most electoral support in its history: the general elections of 1996 (those of 'the withdrawal') we take the 8, 6% or 3,200,000 votes.
From my point of view was the most fertile period, in every sense of our experience. The agreement between Cossutta and Bertinotti, in those years is a real agreement. The mix of two personalities so different from great strength and credibility to the party. The synthesis of the role of a President close political relations, alliances, organizational structure of the party and the role of a Secretary molto spinto sul versante sociale, dei movimenti e con una grande capacità comunicativa, dà a Rifondazione Comunista una forza e una autorevolezza che successivamente non riusciremo mai più a conquistare.
Anche su quel periodo un piccolo ricordo personale. Ero con Bertinotti a Bologna. Il segretario doveva tenere un comizio per le elezioni politiche del 1996 in Piazza Maggiore, una piazza enorme. Ricordo che Fausto era particolarmente teso anche perché prima di lui, nella stessa piazza, avrebbe parlato Fini. Non dimenticherò mai quella serata. La piazza si riempì, tantissimi erano i giovani. Si percepiva un entusiasmo fortissimo e forte era l’identificazione tra la volontà di cambiamento di quelle persone in piazza con Rifondazione and his secretary. When Bertinotti ended the rally and fell from the stage took us an hour to leave the square. Everyone wanted to touch it, send it love. Among those who came to greet him and congratulate him that there was Gianna Nannini said: "more than a rally your was a concert!
Unfortunately that season ends with the rupture of 1998. It had to happen by force? I think not. On that occasion, the big mistake he did Cossutta. For the damage that the division consider that error comparable to that produced by Ingrao committed in 1989 when he decided to "stay in the whirlpool." When I say this not mean that Cossutta - e chi in quel momento condivideva la sua posizione contraria alla rottura con il Governo Prodi – non avesse delle ragioni e il diritto di sostenere fino in fondo quelle posizioni. Intendo dire che non si doveva per quel motivo uscire dal partito. Il danno fu enorme. Alle europee del 1999 Rifondazione crolla al 4,3% e il Pdci deve accontentarsi di un misero 1,8%. Calano gli iscritti. Molti, delusi, decidono di non andare né da una parte né dall’altra. Ma soprattutto si spezza quel mix positivo tra due culture politiche che è stata la forza vera di Rifondazione.
Dopo la scissione del 1998 si sviluppa una nuova stagione di Rifondazione Comunista. E’ la Rifondazione che investe sui movimenti (prima Seattle, poi Genova), that radicalized his political position and progressively implementing "innovations" that produce new internal quarrels. In fact, in Congress in Rimini in 2002 over internal opposition to the historic iron (caratterizzatasi since 1994 against the agreements with the center) there is evidence of dissent through four amendments on basic issues: the concept of imperialism and the role of nation states that considered obsolete, along the lines of argument negriane of Empire, and the opposition to a liquidation proceedings on the twentieth century, the centrality of capital-labor conflict, the importance of the organized party and mass bases. The consensus is that the amendments collect significant: around 27%. Acknowledge these amendments comrades who had not followed Cossutta in the division and others have been added. In addition to the writer, Burgio, Steri, Pegolo, Sorin, hats, arms Torsos, Valentini, Favaro, Casati and the whole group from Milan's historic Sacchi, Commander Fish and Nigretti, Masella, Giannini, Leoni, Canciani, Amagliani and many others.
internal clash is heavy, but the majority of "bertinottiani" and "emendatari" does not break. The party manages to get back on top in part due to the presence and leadership in the movement of Bertinotti that, while weakened, is still strong. At the 2001 general election, despite the trap of the 'useful vote' you get a decent 5%. But in 2003 begins to take shape a new era. Bertinotti believes that the season of the movements has altered the balance of power in the country to the point of making the center "permeable" to the contents of anti-capitalist critique. It opens the season leading up to primary and Romano Prodi, and the agreement to enter the Union Government. My opinion is that in that place of residence, the causes of the disasters that have occurred subsequently. Mind you: the elections of 2006, the result is excellent, there is no return to 1996 levels but almost. The parliamentary representation is broad and Bertinotti was elected president of the Chamber. But after a few months' presence in government is seen subito che i risultati vanno nella direzione opposta a quella auspicata. Il centrosinistra non si dimostra affatto permeabile ai movimenti, ma – semmai – a Confindustria, Usa e Vaticano. Il crollo di credibilità nei movimenti e nella parte più combattiva del mondo del lavoro è drammatico.
A conti fatti possiamo dire che al congresso di Venezia nel 2005 aveva avuto ragione quella parte del partito (oltre il 40%) che aveva messo in guardia, seppure con posizioni diversificate, rispetto all’errore che si stava commettendo. Ho un ricordo bruttissimo di quel congresso. Lo statuto votato a maggioranza, ma soprattutto quel passaggio delle conclusioni in cui Bertinotti ci indica la porta. Quella frase mi rimbombò nella testa for as long as the conclusions: there I was so shocked that more than once inside of me I thought it was appropriate to leave the room. I do not know what stopped me, but I was trying to end the bitterness of not being able to clap or sing the red flag at the conclusion of the Congress.
What happened after the topicality. The Rainbow takes us out of Parliament during the election campaign and Bertinotti speaks explicitly of a new leftist political party in which the Communists would become a "cultural trend." These are the conditions that will lead us in the Congress of Chianciano, in which it consumes a head-on collision between the first and second document after a few months leading to the nth division. Almost the entire leadership group best known out of the PRC, and gives life to Vendola Select
The management team elected to Congress in Chianciano began working in a serious weakening of organization and leadership, with a dramatic economic condition as a result of Public funding ceased and a "liberation" that weighs on the boxes of the party for 3 million euro per year. The difficulties are significant and, however, I think that in the future can be overcome. I think there is still space in this country (as in almost all European countries) for a force of Communist and alternative with a significant electoral support. It is not said that this space is occupied by or in full by Sel Sel Because if it is true, how true, Sel, which now enjoys a significantly superior to our own consent, it is equally true that his political project is largely undefined and that much of this consensus derived from the charisma and skills of media Nichi Vendola. We know by direct experience, that the popularity and the communication skills of leaders are important but not sufficient and that consent, as it has grown rapidly, may collapse just as quickly.
For our part - and it is worth reiterating in the twentieth anniversary of the PRC Communist - we must work to rebuild a forza che faccia della difesa del mondo del lavoro il cuore della propria proposta politica. La stagione di lotte che stiamo vivendo (16 ottobre, Pomigliano, Mirafiori, movimento anti-Gelmini) ci dice che le condizioni ci sono tutte. Assieme a questo bisogna unire le forze. La frammentazione mina la credibilità del nostro progetto. Va strutturata la Federazione della Sinistra sui territori. Vanno unite le forze comuniste, a partire da Prc e Pdci, in un unico partito. Non bisogna mai rinunciare a costruire unità d’azione anche con forze esterne alla Fds a partire da Sel. Il 2011 è anno di Congressi. Utilizziamoli per realizzare questo progetto, per fare sì che, nel ventennale di Rifondazione Comunista, si chiuda per sempre con le divisioni e si hubs finally the path to unity.
Claudio Grassi - PRC secretariat
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